In more experienced democracies, the choice of who
deserves to be elected the president of Nigeria between President Goodluck
Jonathan and former Head of state General Mohammadu Buhari, in the 2015
presidential election would be a forgone issue due to the fact that both
contestants have been in office as president and Nigerians have experienced the
governance styles of both, with first-hand observation of their strengths and
weaknesses, and importantly what both achieved while in office.
It is important to examine the public records for
the facts of what both did while in office because as Professor Wole Soyinka
said about the public records of General Buhari while he was in office,
“History matters. Records are not kept simply to assist the weakness of memory,
but to operate as guides to the future”.
Hence to commence an examination of the record of both leaders we must start with the most critical, security. Much has been said about the record of performance by President Jonathan on security, while he declared a state of emergency and changed several Service Chiefs, all these efforts have been adjudged more from the fact that the well-resourced Boko Haram, like ISIS in Syria and Iraq, the Taliban in Pakistan and Afghanistan, as well as their Salafist comrades in Chechnya, Russia are still holding ground against the Nigerian Army. What is however without doubt is that with respect to the Jonathan government, the threat to the security of Nigerians are from external forces, Boko Haram, Kidnappers, armed robbers, etc. The latter two have been a problem for every government depending on scale, while religious zealots have periodically caused mayhem in the North generally and the North East in particular, in other regimes although with greater brutality.
In comparison however, whereas the threat to the
security of Nigerians came from forces external to government in the Jonathan
regime, with the Buhari regime, government itself was the source of the
greatest threat to the security of Nigerians. Under Buhari’s regime anyone
could be detained at his whim using draconian decrees, the list of those
incarcerated under Buhari is lengthy, Sam Mbakwe, Fela Kuti, Femi Aribisala,
Bisi Onabanjo, Bola Ige, Audu Ogbeh, and so many others. Individual security
was so bad under Buhari that when Pa Adekunle Ajasin was acquitted twice by
courts that found him not guilty of Buhari’s accusation of corruption, the
Buhari regime re-arrested and detained him under Decree no. 2. While Buhari
detained Tai Solarin and denied him medication even while Tai Solarin was
having persistent asthmatic attacks. Even worse, Buhari ordered the judicial
murder of Bernard Ogedengbe , who was sentenced to death under Decree 20 for a
crime he committed before Decree 20 was enacted whereas it carried a lighter
sentence when he committed the crime. Buhari refused to accept any pleas to
spare Ogedengbe’s life, hence under Buhari the state denied the individual his
life at the whim of ‘President’ Buhari. To summarize the state of security
under Buhari’s regime, Professor Wole Soyinka expressed shock that any Nigerian
will ever contemplate voting for Buhari as a president thus, “Buhari enslaved
the nation. He gloated and gloried in a master-slave relation to the millions
of its inhabitants. It is astonishing to find that the same former slaves, now
free of their chains, should clamour to be ruled by one who not only turned
their nation into a slave plantation, but forbade them any discussion of their
condition”.
A second but important sphere for comparison is
education, because although Nigerians like to celebrate oil and gas and the
easy wealth it brings, globally it is acknowledged that the most important
resource for a nation is its human capital, its people, their abilities and
capabilities and how these capabilities are enhanced through education, formal
and informal. In this regard, even some elders in the north of Nigeria who now
tout Buhari as the presidential candidate of the north, like former Inspector
General of Police Ibrahim Coomasie, are unable to wipe out the indelible annals
of public record, where Buhari is noted to have stopped food subsidies in
Nigerian universities and thereby prioritized the introduction of malnutrition
into universities as an opportunity cost for other economic decisions. In
contrast, Coomasie and his ilk are unable to deny the fact that Goodluck
Jonathan has built more Universities in Northern Nigeria within three years
from 2011 to 2013 than any northern leader ever did b
etween 1960 and 2013. The list of these universities include, Federal University Lafia (2011), Federal University Wukari (2011), Federal University Lokoja (2011), Federal University Kashere (2011), Federal University Dutse (2011), Federal University Dutsin-ma (2011), Police Academy Wudil (2012), Federal University Gashua (2013), Federal University Gusau (2013) and the Federal University Birnin-Kebbi (2013), before this only the Gowon and Babangida governments built up to four universities each while others established one or two between 1962 and 1988.
etween 1960 and 2013. The list of these universities include, Federal University Lafia (2011), Federal University Wukari (2011), Federal University Lokoja (2011), Federal University Kashere (2011), Federal University Dutse (2011), Federal University Dutsin-ma (2011), Police Academy Wudil (2012), Federal University Gashua (2013), Federal University Gusau (2013) and the Federal University Birnin-Kebbi (2013), before this only the Gowon and Babangida governments built up to four universities each while others established one or two between 1962 and 1988.
Moreover, apart from the overwhelming and
unprecedented investment in primary school education, through the universal
basic education, vocational schools, and the launching of the special funding
of the all-embracing education called Almajiri education -the very first in the
history of northern Nigeria- the Jonathan administration took children from the
streets of northern Nigeria and gave them new opportunities, whereas some
elders of northern Nigeria who called western education “Haram” denied them formal
western education but offered instead religious knowledge and USD 2000
Kalashnikovs to use as Boko Haram foot soldiers.
Again on the very critical issue of the economy,
some have attributed Buhari’s regime with stabilizing the economy at a
turbulent time by using counter trade to keep the IMF in abeyance, but this was
not the independent assessment of evaluators who observed that the
counter-trade mechanism was abused to siphon public funds by converting Nigeria
crude to laundered funds for cronies of the Buhari regime. Of course, this
could not be scrutinized by the Nigerian press. Those who dared ended up at No
15 Awolowo Road in Lagos or other such detention centres created to silence
critics of the Buhari government. Still, independent assessors at the GATT,
later the WTO, had written in their report number BOP/W/102 of September 1986
that on the Counter trade,” “Four principal countertrade agreements were
concluded with Brazil, France, Italy, and Austria. This policy, while
permitting a certain amount of extra imports to enter, was subsequently seen as
causing considerable diversion of trade and substantial extra cost to the
economy as a whole”. In contrast the past four years of the Jonathan
administration has seen a steady economic growth of over 6% with a much larger
GDP. Some have criticized the growth, saying it did not trickle down to all
spheres of society, but the same thing has been said of the Chinese development
which is poised to become the biggest economy in the world.
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